RESEARCHING THE REAL WORLD



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Orientation Observation In-depth interviews Document analysis and semiology Conversation and discourse analysis Secondary Data Surveys Experiments Ethics Research outcomes
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© Lee Harvey 2012–2019

Page updated 25 January, 2019

Citation reference: Harvey, L., 2012–2019, Researching the Real World, available at qualityresearchinternational.com/methodology
All rights belong to author.


 

A Guide to Methodology

4. In-depth interviews

4.1 Introduction to in-depth interviewing
4.2 Types of in-depth interview
4.3 Methodological approaches to in-depth interviews

4.3.1 Positivist approaches to in-depth interviews
4.3.2 Phenomenological approaches to in-depth interview

4.3.2.1 Identifying subjects' meanings or perception
4.3.2.1.1 Phenomenography

4.3.2.2 In-depth interviews as a basis for empathetic interpretation
4.3.2.3 Deconstructing everyday life/rules of behaviour
4.3.2.4 Life history interviewing as a means to establish how people come to develop specific ideas and consequent actions

4.3.3 Critical approaches to in-depth interview

4.4 Doing in-depth interviews
4.5 Analysing in-depth interview data
4.6 Summary and conclusion

4.3.2.2 In-depth interviews as a basis for empathetic interpretation
Similar to the identification of subjects' meanings (Section 4.3.2.1), in-depth interviews are used to get a closer, more empathetic view of how a group understands or perceives itself in the world.

Ursula Sharma and Paula Black (2001) conducted a very small-scale exploratory project on beauty therapists, a group that had been little studied by sociologists. They aimed to investigate the way in which beauty therapists themselves saw their role. The approach was very much about developing an empathetic understanding of the beauty therapeutic occupation in the context of professionalisation of alternative therapies. Sharma and Black undertook the research in conjunction with the beauty therapy department of a local college and conducted 15 interviews eight with members of staff and seven with other experienced therapists and salon owners (mainly members of the college advisory board). In addition they volunteered to be guinea pigs for student therapists and also visited some salons as clients.

This study sought perceptions of therapists who, although bemoaning the poor pay and lack of recognition of their occupation, indicated enjoyment of their work and emphasised the emotional labour involved, not least the considerable interpersonal skills. Sharma and Black (2001, p. 915) argued, however, that 'the explicit claim to emotional work is as likely to compromise as to strengthen their claims to a 'serious professional status'.

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